2004 was supposed to celebrate the bi-centennial of the Haitian Revolution. Instead it's looking more like a celebration of 200 years of colonialism, imperialism, and destabilization.

In the year 1492, Christopher Columbus landed and claimed, a small island in the Caribbean in the name of Spain, renaming it Hispaniola. First the Spaniards and then the French created plantations on the island and started importing enslaved Africans in great numbers, while simultaneously, nearly wiping out the native Taino-Arawak “Indian” population. In 1697 due to difficulties managing the territory, the Spaniards ceded the western third of Hispaniola to the French crown at the Treaty of Ryswick, which divided the island into French-controlled St. Domingue (Haiti) and Spanish controlled Santo Domingo. For over 100 years the colony of St. Domingue (known as the Pearl of the Antilles) was France's most important overseas territory, supplying it with sugar, rum, coffee, cotton and consequently wealth and prestige. At the height of slavery, it is estimated that between 500,000-700,00 people mainly of western African origin, were enslaved by the French and from the time the first enslaved Africans were brought to the island they rebelled with an intensity that seemed to increase annually. Between 1791-1803 enslaved Africans engaged in a protracted war of liberation against their enslavers. Napoleon Bonaparte dispatched an army of more than 30,000 French soldiers led by his brother-in-law, Charles Leclerc, and assisted by British and Spanish forces, to attempt to wrest control of the Island away from their former slaves, but they ultimately failed. The strain in terms of finances and loss of French soldiers proved so great that Bonaparte was forced to sell his country's 800,000+ miles of territory in North America (the Louisiana Purchase) which extended from the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains, for $15 Million in 1803. The purchase of the land more than doubled the size of the nascent United States, and by the time the land was reconfigured, the early U.S. government had added 15 new states.

In the struggle to expel their colonial rulers, the armies of enslaved Africans were commanded by Toussaint L'Ouverture ("the opening"), who during the struggle and before Haiti declared independence, would be seized and sent to France where he would die in a French dungeon in less than a year. Eventually it would be Jean-Jacques Dessalines who fought alongside L'Overture for much of the struggle, who would declare the Western hemisphere’s second Republic of Haiti - or Ayiti in Creole, which was the name given to the land by the former Taino-Arawak (meaning "mountainous country") - on January 1st, 1804. The United States and the European slave masters and colonizers in the region were livid and also nervous, and refused to recognize Haiti as a sovereign nation. The colonial European powers in the region feared Haiti would set a bad example for other colonies in the area, particularly over the issue of slavery, so they adopted a policy of isolation, although France would recognize Haitian independence in 1825 in exchange for an “indemnity” of 150 million Francs (the U.S. didn't recognize Haitian independence until 1862). This perception of Haiti as a threat would be begin to be realized when Haiti began helping other countries in South America to set themselves free from the yoke of the Spaniards shortly after expelling France.

In the aftermath of the revolution, the animosity and divergence of interests that had existed between the "mulattos" (half-whites) and the non-mulatto Africans reemerged and there was a period, particularly between 1843 and 1915 where there was a much political instability marked by several abrupt changes in leadership - much of it violent. During this period several European nations still claimed interest in the country. The Germans, particularly, were well in control of the country’s commerce internationally and the US viewed the economic presence of the Germans in the Haiti as a threat to their interests and their hegemony in the region. Wanting to secure naval stations throughout the region as the prospect of a war in Europe loomed closer and closer by the early the 1900s, the United States used the Monroe Doctrine, a policy that opposed European intervention in the Western Hemisphere, and the Roosevelt Corollary whereby the US assured the responsibility for direct intervention in the region in order to check the influence of European powers, to invade Haiti in 1915. The United States Occupation of Haiti lasted from 1915 to 1934, during which the U.S. supervised all governmental decisions in the country, rewrote the constitution revoking the article forbidding foreign ownership of Haitian land, and created the Army of Haiti (Forces Armées d’Haiti) whose purpose was to be maintaining "calm and stability" as defined by its sponsors in the United States. 

Between the U.S. military's "departure" and the year 1957, leadership in Haiti was transferred between a number of non-descript nominally, U.S. approved "Haitian leaders". Eventually in 1957 François "Papa Doc" Duvalier was "elected" president of Haiti through an election guided by the military, marking the beginning of a truly painful and repressive period in Haitian history. Duvalier produced a new constitution to strengthen his power and later declared himself president for life in 1964. He created his own guard to protect him from a coup from the military, a paramilitary group named the "Tonton Makouts", which came to have more power than the army. Under Duvalier's rule thousands of Haitians fled the country in fear for their lives. He stayed in power until his death in 1971 but shortly before his death, Duvalier designated his son Jean Claude Duvalier who was just 19 at the time, as his heir to head the country. With Jean Claude assuming power the Duvalier dynasty continued and U.S. patronage continued until on February 7, 1986, Jean Claude resigned and left the country under internal pressure, much of it from the Haitian masses.

At the end of the Duvalier Dynasty the country went through a period of political instability moving from one short-lived military government to another. Finally after several short stints of military rule, Jean Bertrand Aristide, a young priest who had a strong following with the Haitian people, was overwhelmingly elected to the presidency in 1991 along with his Lavalas movement, on a left-leaning populace, platform promising positive changes for the Haitian poor. Though he publicly seemed to accept the decision of the Haitian people, George Bush Senior, the then President of the United States wanted a former World Bank official Marc Bazin to assume the Haitian Presidency and began planning Aristide's ouster.

Aristide attempted to compromise with Washington’s concerns by appointing Raoul Cedras as his military commander, but several months later Cedras initiated a coup d’etat against Aristide’s government usurping Aristide’s 5-year presidential term while Aristide was soliciting economic assistance from the U.S.. Aristide was kept in the U.S. for approximately 4 years as Cedras solidified his Haitian dictatorship. During this period the so-called Revolutionary Front for Haitian Advance and Progress during was formed. The group known by its acronym, FRAPH, was responsible for the deaths of around 5,000 Haitians as it carried out the torture and murder of the dictatorship’s opponents and the assassination of several prominent political figures, including Haiti’s Justice Minister Guy Malary and political activist Antoine Izméry. The FRAPH was led by Emmanuel “Toto” Constant, with his second in charge being Louis Jodel Chamblain who is one of the current coup leaders. Constant, it was revealed, was an operative on the CIA payroll and was later granted US protection and asylum. So strong were the ties between Constant and Chamblain’s right wing death squads and the US, that a couple of years later when the US military entered Haiti to restore Aristide to power in 1994 one of the first things they did was to seize documents from the FRAPH headquarters and ship them back to Washington to conceal U.S. involvement.

A change in leadership in the U.S., lead to a change in approach, though not necessarily goals, with respect to Haiti. The US and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) insisted that the incoming Aristide government carry through stringent structural adjustment programs aimed at privatizing Haiti’s public sector and maximizing the profitability of Haiti's “free trade zones”, assuring an uninterrupted supply of cheap labor and a guarantee of no strikes enforced by “professionalized” security forces. For example, Haiti was forced under IMF “advice” to lower trade barriers and import products such as rice from the U.S. simply because they were cheaper, but as a result ruining Haitian farmers. In a move vehemently opposed by the far right and many Republican legislators, Aristide was returned to power in September 1994, under the escort of 20,000 US troops and UN peacekeepers. 

He was to finish the remaining 7 months of his term under the understanding that he would not be allowed to run again until after the next election although the bulk of his term had been usurped by the Cedras dictatorship. Aristide’s hand-picked successor, René Préval lasted from 1996 to 2001, during which time Aristide, though out of office, seemed to be reconciling somewhat with sections of Haiti’s ruling elite as the Haitian government attempted implementation of the IMF’s austerity programs that had devastating consequences for the masses of Haitian people, and thus beginning the erosion of some of Aristide’s support base. Apparently these concessions were not enough or deemed too slow by the U.S, and when Aristide was re-elected in May 2000 (actually took office in November 2000) he found he had few friends in Washington or Europe. Although, no one presented credible evidence that voting irregularities changed the outcome the right-wing Haitian opposition raised the cry of “fraud,” a charge that was quickly echoed by the Clinton administration, not to mention the US Republican Party.

In actuality, two elections took place in 2000. The first elections, in May, saw full participation by a range of political parties, including the Lavalas party of president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. In the May elections of legislators and municipal government authorities, Lavalas won by a landslide. Observers from the Organization of American States (OAS) did not fault the conduct of the elections. However, in eight cases, the electoral council seated Senators who had won by a plurality of the votes, not by an absolute majority. Because these eight Senators were Lavalas party candidates, the opposition immediately cried fraud. Knowing they would lose the presidential election in November 2000, the opposition “Democratic Convergence” refused to participate. They cited the eight contested senatorial elections as "proof" that the presidential vote would be rigged. The OAS tried, in more than 20 missions, to arrange new elections or compromise between the “Democratic Convergence” and the government. President Aristide persuaded seven of the eight senators to resign, clearing the way for new elections. Aristide agreed to OAS proposals for new elections. The “Democratic Convergence” refused.

Allegedly in retaliation for the alleged electoral improprieties. The US and Europe froze virtually all forms of economic aid to the destitute Caribbean country. When Bush Jr. was installed as U.S. President forces who favored a more aggressive approach to Haiti were once again in control of US foreign policy and economic aid to Haiti remained blocked. Men like Otto Reich and Roger F. Noriega, were appointed to high-level positions as Bush’s envoys for Initiatives in the Western Hemisphere. Noriega’s, who became Undersecretary of State for Western Hemispheric Affairs, far right positions are well known as are Reich’s. During the Reagan Presidency he was a key figure in the drive to secure support for that administration’s illegal sponsoring of the “Contras” in hopes of overturning Nicaragua’s democratically elected government. Around the same time, bombs began falling in the United State’s latest attack on Iraq, Reich was in Haiti as part of a delegation representing the OAS and the Caribbean Community Council attempting to broker an agreement between the Haitian government and the Washington-backed "opposition" to Lavalas. Reich's visit coincided with reports from the Haitian police that uniformed soldiers of Haiti's recently abolished army had begun regular armed incursions into the Central Plateau region of the country from the Dominican Republic. This should have proved especially unnerving since Aristide had abolished the Haitian military in 1995.

It was not absolutely clear who was arming the “rebels” but they returned to Haiti heavily armed with equipment not generally available in Haiti, which allegedly included, all-terrain vehicles, uniforms, rocket-propelled grenade launchers, M-60 and M-16 machine guns, and other heavy artillery. Ira Kurzban, the Miami-based attorney who has served as General Counsel to the Haitian government since 1991 accused the U.S. of arming the rebels possibly out of an alleged recent shipment of 20,000 M-16s to the Dominican Republic.

The complicit US media has presented the situation in Haiti as one in which the US was attempting to broker piece between several opposition groups, and Aristide, in order to avoid a potential bloodbath. While attempting to present themselves as independent and democratic, in reality there are 2 interconnected faces to the Aristide’s “opposition”, both of them led by individuals who are intimately connected to the US. In the North the well-armed opposition was led by the aforementioned Chamblain, who was convicted and sentenced in absentia to hard-labor for life in trials for the April 23, 1994 massacre in the region of Raboteau and other murders. Also present is another FRAPH veteran, Jean Tatun who along with Chamblain, was convicted of gross violations of human rights and murder. 

Another key rebel leader is former Haitian army officer Guy Philippe who received special training from the US military in Ecuador during the Cédras dictatorship, and then was given a string of senior posts in the national police force. Philippe previously had fled the country in 2000 under accusations he was planning a coup. He also has been linked to drug trafficking. The non-military wing of the "opposition", is headed by the Democratic Convergence and other opposition groups, such as the Group of 184, which includes students, teachers, and even former Aristide supporters who have become disillusioned with his government's performance. The Democratic Convergence includes political representatives of Haiti’s traditional business and political elite. Apparently only interested in protecting their wealth and privilege, this opposition includes prominent supporters of the former Duvalier and Cédras dictatorships, and also some former supporters of Aristide. They claimed not to support, nor have any connection, with the armed rebellion which was the true power driving the Haitian coup.

One of the leaders and principal spokesperson of the Democratic Convergence, which has received ample support from the U.S. (via the organization National Endowment for Democracy, and other U.S.-based “advocacy groups”) and France, is an American citizen and wealthy sweatshop owner in Haiti, named Andy Apaid. He was born in New York and although Haitian law does not allow dual-nationality and he has not renounced his US citizenship.

With the small ill-equipped Haitian police force clearly outgunned and being overrun by an even smaller, but very well armed rebel force, Aristide appealed to the international community, particularly the US or France, to send troops to preserve Haitian democracy. He was rebuffed as the U.S. made it clear they would do nothing to offer assistance. Instead the U.S. urged Aristide and his political opponents to accept a mediated peace process. U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, after talks in Washington with representatives of Canada and the 15-member Caribbean Economic Community (Caricom), called on Haitians to accept Caricom's ideas for settling Aristide's political fate. Aristide quickly agreed to the demands of the region’s major powers and CARICOM, that he cede many of his executive powers, including control over the national police force and the electoral commission, to a new prime minister to be appointed in consultation with the opposition. But the opposition flatly refused to accept any agreement that would leave Aristide, whose term was due to end in February 2006. Include in the few other agreed upon demands by the "opposition" was the re-institution of the Haitian military. Washington effectively placed negotiations in the hands of the "opposition" by announcing beforehand that any positive response to the Aristide government’s request for international assistance to put down the rebellion was dependent on it first obtaining an agreement with the opposition - an agreement that obviously would never come. 

Bolstered by the US tacit and covert approval the rebellion grew more intense and widespread, and the statements of US and French officials went from veiled warnings to Aristide to overtly calling for his resignation (The only time I’ve witnessed a faster transformation in public statements was from the Haitian born musician, Wyclef Jean who went from saying to he wasn’t sure who to support in the conflict, to supporting the "rebels" in a couple of days. Despite, regularly claiming Haitian pride it was apparent Wyclef probably knows more about his extensive, collection of expensive cars than Haitian politics). According to some press reports, the State Department had further offered the opposition guarantees that Washington would itself move to oust Aristide if he did not comply with the terms of the deal.

The rebel advance finally slowed when they reached the outskirts of the Haitian capital of Port-au-Prince, where they made a number of threats about entering the capital, but did not attempt to enter Port-au-Prince. Port-au-Prince as was the case in much of Haiti as the coup progressed, descended into chaos and near anarchy as looting spread uncontrollably. However, Port-au-Prince was still a known stronghold of Aristide supporters. Armed Aristide supporters, who the mainstream American media, in parroting and endorsing, the one sided accusations of the rebels refer to as "Aristide's thugs" or the “chiméres” pledged to defend the capital leaving the situation at an impasse that was shaping up to be a potential bloodbath. While it is true that in the period leading up to the coup, some Aristide supporters, including "thugs" recruited from the slums, have targeted opposition demonstrators and organizations that have taken anti-Aristide positions, including unions and students, it is indeed telling that the history of human rights violations and mass murder by the rebel leaders of the coup has hardly been mentioned.

Aristide did not flee the capital or step down as was probably expected, instead he stated adamantly that the rebels would have to remove him. The situation was setting up as a potential public relations nightmare for the Bush administration and a bloodbath for Haiti. As Tim Carney, who served as U.S. ambassador to Haiti in 1998 and 1999 stated “We do not want Haitian boat people washing up on our shores again,'' referring to the period in the 1970s and 1980s when some 50,000 and 80,000 Haitians, fleeing poverty and repression under the rule of Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, arrived by boat in Florida. “We're clearly looking at the last days of Aristide in office,'' said Carney, who serves on the board of the Haiti Democracy Project, a Washington-based “advocacy group”. “The challenge is how to do it, how it can happen in such a way that you can have a minimum amount of chaos and blood and devastation.'' In their patently racist policy of dealing with Haitian refugees the U.S. had already set up a U.S. Naval bulwark around the Island to prevent refugees fleeing violence from escaping to Florida, days before. Meanwhile Rebel leader Guy Philippe, attributed the rebels holding off on attacking the capital, to a U.S. appeal he claimed to have seen on the Internet (that too is very telling, though hardly believable). Asked if the United States had directly contacted the rebels, Philippe said no, adding "We will keep on sending troops, but we won't attack Port-au-Prince until we understand what the U.S. means."

Finally on February 29th came reports from a French radio station that Aristide had been forced from office, possibly at gunpoint, and on to a plane by American forces between the hours of 4 and 5:30am. This report was allegedly corroborated by a worker at the Presidential palace and an ABC news cameraman who declined to be named. In addition US congresswomen Rep. Maxine Waters, claimed to have spoken briefly with Aristide on the morning of March 1st. According to Waters Aristide claimed to have been forced from office and he along with his wife, and possibly 3 others, are being held partially incommunicado in the Central African Republic possibly pending a trip to South Africa. The Bush administration vehemently denied the charges, claiming Aristide left on a flight chartered by the U.S. but on his own free will. By the end of the day on March 1st, Aristide was able to conduct a telephone interview there he adamantly claimed he was "forced to leave" Haiti by "White American" military.  

Almost immediately after Aristide’s departure rebel forces rolled unopposed into the city where they will likely begin reprisals and door-to-door searches for Aristide supporters. Meanwhile, almost simultaneously with the arrival of the rebels, hundreds of newly arrived U.S. Marines and French and Canadian officers fortified their positions in the capital, which included the airport, the seaport and the presidential National Palace. Regardless of the nature of Aristide’s departure, it is clear that the “rebels” did not force him out and the Bush administration in it’s zealotry seems to have dug itself a hole unless they can get Aristide to change his story or plan to silence him permanently. The so called “democratic” groups and nations, responsible for this 32nd coup in Haiti’s 200 year history, have made it abundantly clear that they have an aversion for any meaningful interpretation of the word. The failure of the Aristide government to meet its promises to provide jobs, social services and adequate incomes to Haiti’s impoverished masses played a significant role in Haiti’s fall to a few hundred well-armed thugs, but to attribute the current situation to simple corruption or the failure of Aristide’s policies is an inadequate cop-out. Apparently in the past 200 years of colonialism, racism, and imperialism very little has changed. Once again the principal parties responsible for this most recent coup d'etat, lie not on the island itself, but in the top offices and boardrooms of Washington and it’s French junior partners.

Released: March 1^st, 2004
 

The views and opinions expressed herein by the author do not necessarily represent the opinions or position of Playahata.com.