Once West Africa’s most stable and prosperous country, the Ivory Coast has recently slipped into chaos. On September 19th a dissatisfied section of the Ivorian military, after being told they would be demobilized, staged what the government called a “minor mutiny.” After the insurgents were repelled from the capital of Abidjan, President Laurent Gbagbo quickly declared victory and stated the crisis was over. Two weeks later however the mutiny has turned into a full-scale rebellion. Calling themselves the Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast, the rebels have captured several cities in the north and have been steadily extending their rule. Some cities and villages are eagerly welcoming the rebels while hundreds have marched in the region to support them. It is an ever-expanding crisis that has been almost ten years in the making.

A former French colony during that European nation’s time of Empire, the Ivory Coast gained independence in 1960 due in great part to countryman Felix Houphouet-Boigny. For thirty-three years Houphouët-Boigny served as president of the country and treated it as his own personal kingdom. Like many other modern African statesmen who refused to leave or share power, Houphouët-Boigny instituted one-party rule, had a patronage system and jailed any serious opposition dissidents. But what kept him from tumbling into dictatorship like the numerous other Sekou Mobutu types of post-colonial Africa was his establishment of a partial democracy. His one-party government still carried out elections, held public forums and allowed complaints. His patronage system was skillfully avoided appearing one-sided and maintained a delicate balance between the various ethnic groups, namely the large Akan, Krou, Mandingo, and Voltaic populations. And his repression, in comparison with the Idi Amins of the continent, was rather minimal.

However Houphouët-Boigny’s greatest accomplishment, and the reason for his staying power, was his ability to develop and sustain a prosperous economy. Called the “Ivorian miracle,” Houphouet-Boigny’s free market policies allowed the country to profit greatly from its two major crops of cocoa and coffee. Close ties with former colonial overlord France also played a key role. The capital of Abidjan, with its fanciful skyscrapers and modern industrial trappings, became a beacon of light in an often strife-torn region and continent. An open immigration policy also brought in waves of immigrants, namely from Burkina Faso, to work the lucrative cash crop plantations. With promises of dual citizenship and voting rights, these immigrants became the backbone of the Ivorian economy and swelled to near 50% of the country’s 16 million occupants.

Houphouët-Boigny’s government however began to suffer in the 1980s as world cocoa and coffee markets became unstable and the economy dipped. Facing increasing pressure for more reforms, the ever shrewd and calculating politician held the first multi-party elections in Ivory Coast’s history in 1990. His sustained popularity allowed him to win and keep his office. But in June of 1993 the elderly statesman was diagnosed with prostate cancer. Unwilling to step down, he also refused to name a successor. When he passed away in December of that same year Houphouet-Boigny was mourned as a great leader, but he had left the Ivory Coast in a precarious situation.

Thirty-three years of one man’s “grandfather” like rule didn’t allow for a smooth transition, especially when no one knew exactly who the next leader was to be. The Ivory Coast was left in the hands of his underlings who seemed to have never been groomed for the job. Henri Bedie who succeeded Houphouet-Boigny was a dismal politician who lacked the former president’s skill of appeasing various sides and maintaining the delicate balance that kept the country together. The unstable market of cocoa and coffee only made matters worse as the economy began to slide further. Bedie knew the success of the last thirty-three years could unravel under his watch. So like so many other politicians, instead of attacking the problem head on, he resorted to scapegoats.

It happens in the United States where Mexican immigrants are blamed for taking jobs---usually the ones no one else wants. It happens in France where African migrants are blamed for social ills and unemployment. And in the Ivory Coast, it’s no different. To deflect criticism Bedie went after the group whose labor had helped his country prosper, immigrants. Twisting Houphouet-Boigny’s Ivoirite laws, Bedie began to run on a nationalistic platform that distinguished “pure” native Ivorians from the “impure” immigrant Ivorians, many of which had become multi-generation citizens. When the former prime minister Alassane Quattara stepped up to challenge Bedie in the 1995 elections, much was made of his “non-Ivorian” heritage. Bedie dubbed Quattara an “impure” Ivorian and had him banned from running for president. This action outraged much of the northern region that was heavily made of immigrants, many of them Muslims and supporters of Quattara.

But for many native Ivorians, who during hard times needed a scapegoat, Bedie was saying something they had long been grumbling about. Many, who had once welcomed immigrants with open arms when the economy was prosperous and labor was needed, now openly voiced that the Ivory Coast was for Ivorians and that “foreigners” needed to go home. Particularly blamed were those who had come from Burkina Faso, the source of a large bulk of the immigrant population. Even the more moderate began to complain about feeling like aliens in their own country and blamed “impure” Ivorians for everything from crime to their economic woes. That many of the immigrants were also Muslim while traditional Ivorians are mostly Christians also caused tension.

Yet rather than smoothing these issues out and keeping the peace as Houphouet-Boigny had done, Bedie fanned the flames of discontent. When northerners and immigrants complained of nationalistic profiling and police brutality, Bedie did nothing. He watched and indirectly encouraged mistreatment of foreign laborers. And the Quattara issue became a political rallying point. Bedie won the 1995 elections on a platform of religious discrimination and nationalistic bigotry. Yet one good turn deserves another.

In 1999 a military coup led by a General Robert Guei, the first in Ivory Coast’s history, swept Bedie from power. Many expected the general would step down from power and hold fair, equal and free elections. But instead Guei turned out to be a follower Bedie’s model. Using the same exploitative politics of “pure” and “impure” Ivorians, he passed even more restrictive laws against immigrants and their descendants. He alienated the north, banned Quattara from running in presidential elections and instituted measures to ensure his victory. However things didn’t go as planned, and the general lost to his only allowed opponent Larent Gbagbo. Refusing to concede, the military strongman annulled elections and declared his intent to stay in power. Things wouldn’t go his way once more.

Too much of post-colonial Africa is rife with instability. One of the key reasons for this has been the eagerness to resort to violent overthrows by various factions whenever there is a dispute. Somewhere along the way many leaders in modern Africa have developed the notion that the way to solve any problem is through the gun. There are at times so many rebel factions in certain countries, it’s hard to keep track of whom they are and for what they are fighting. The greatest victims of these hostilities are often the regular citizens, who are displaced or caught in the crossfire. In the Ivory Coast however something different happened. The citizens of the country decided that they would not be held hostage by the greed-driven few.

Both from the north and south, supporters of Quattara and Gbagbo took to the streets to demand General Guei step down and live up to democratic ideals. Deadly battles took place with soldiers and everyone feared a massacre. But in a surprise move the military switched sides, abandoning their general and allying with the crowd. Guei was forced to flee the country and the world looked on in admiration at citizens who stood up for their freedom. Power to the people.

The removal of General Guei had been a unified struggle of north and south, Muslim and Christian, natives and immigrants. And many expected that with the would-be dictator gone, the differences between the groups could be worked out. Yet the chance for such an opportunity slipped through the cracks yet again.

Laurent Gbagbo took office as president, without attempting to hold free elections to give Quattara a chance to oppose him. Many in the north saw this as an affront. The elections of both Bedie and General Guei had been shams they charged. A fair leader would realize this and give the people----all the people---a chance to truly choose their president. But Gbagbo would hear none of it. When Pro-Quattara supporters demonstrated directly after Guei fled office, they were seen as yet another threat to stability and scores were killed by an overzealous military. Further clashes would leave the state more divided and send tensions to the boiling point.

When the rebellion took place on September 19^th, the government blamed the deposed General Guei who had returned to the Ivory Coast. Government troops gunned down and killed the general within 48 hours of the uprising. President Gbagbo has also blamed neighboring Burkina Faso for helping mastermind a coup attempt among its nationals. Yet outside observers are questioning whether General Guei was even involved. And no one takes the Burkina Faso charge seriously. They are beginning to think this was no coup at all, as radio and television stations were left untouched, but a revolt by disaffected soldiers---mostly native Ivorians. These irate troops may have simply found some sympathizers, among the Muslim and foreign national victims of xenophobia, in the northern cities they captured. What many are quietly expressing is that Gbagbo is following in the steps of Bedie and Guei. He is seeking to find scapegoats for the conflict rather than admitting that such exploitative policies lie at the heart of the matter. And this is only driving together two unlikely segments of Ivorian society, parts of a rebellious military and some in the north, with deep grievances against the state.

The identity of the rebel leader, if they have one, is still unknown. But the government and native Ivorians have made up their minds that it is immigrants---all immigrants---who are to blame. Seeming to learn nothing from past mistakes, government troops are burning down immigrant houses and mosques all over the north and even in the south. Burkina Faso immigrants are being beaten in the streets by government paramilitary forces. They are stripped naked, whipped in public and robbed of their possessions by police who accuse them of aiding the rebels. Gangs of machete wielding youth from the Christian south roam the streets, attacking immigrants in the capital city. Others have attacked the Burkina Faso Embassy, scaling the walls to tear down the flag. And while US and French forces arrived to escort westerners out of harm’s way, the different African nationals have been left in the path of a native Ivory Coast xenophobic back-lash against foreigners. Most immigrants have already decided to leave the country that had once welcomed them, forever.

But now numbering near 50% of the population, beating and frightening away immigrants and their descendants may not work. The Ivory Coast could find itself on the brink of all out civil war between north and south. And nearby neighbors are scrambling to quell the crisis. Nigerian fighter jets have already landed in Abidjan and more neighboring troops may be on the way. The 15-nation Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has reached a cease-fire. And perhaps sooner or later West African peacekeepers may have to be sent in. But government forces are massing for an all out assault to crush the rebels, refusing to negotiate. Africa’s one-time beacon of stability and hope is now mired in upheaval. The fanning of ethnic and nationalist tensions in the past ten years has created a fire of discontent and nationalistic hatred. Whether the Ivory Coast can find a leader in the post Houphouet-Boigny era that can put out such fires awaits to be seen.

MORPHEUS- Exposin Fake Shyt